Because in Harappan culture, three cadavers are found from the cemetery of Lothal, in which the man and woman have been buried together, and such a body has been received from Kalibangan. Lothal researcher S. R. Rao has considered this as the first testimony of Sati. It is possible that the earliest adoption of prehistoric practices of these Harappan sex worshipers has been adopted by the early Aryans, and due to the rise of cultural awakening, they have abandoned it as a wild tradition. It is also possible for the public to focus on its shortcomings that they have stopped burning their widows and expanded their project by promoting the widow remarriage and through the practice. Altekar is of the opinion that the political requirements of the Vedic period were only responsible for the recognition of the termination of prehistoric Sati and the Niyog and widow remarriage. A Sukta of the Tenth Division of Rig Veda shows that In order to fulfill the formalities of Sati, the woman used to lay down on a pyre with her dead husband and then requested her to get up from her. A complete scandal of Aurarvaved has been written on the prohibition of Sati method and widow marriage. The deceased's wife would also be laughing at the pyre when she was shocked and later she was removed from other relatives, after which she was remarried. In one verse, Atharva Rishi says that after seeing the lady lying in a python with the deceased husband, I removed him from there, who was covered with a mournful cordial. After that he was remarried. In one verse, Atharva Rishi says that after seeing the lady lying in a python with the deceased husband, I removed him from there, who was covered with a mournful cordial. After that he was remarried. In one verse, Atharva Rishi says that after seeing the lady lying in a python with the deceased husband, I removed him from there, who was covered with a mournful cordial. After that he was remarried. In one verse, Atharva Rishi says that after seeing the lady lying in a python with the deceased husband, I removed him from there, who was covered with a mournful cordial. After that he was remarried. In one verse, Atharva Rishi says that after seeing the lady lying in a python with the deceased husband, I removed him from there, who was covered with a mournful cordial.
The practice of self-denial of widows in a husband's mage is an incident which was clearly invented by the priests after the compilation of Manu's code of conduct. Sastri is not mentioned in Apastamb, Awalayana and other Dharmasutra even in Manusmriti. Vishnu theology which is a continuous creation, According to them, after the death of their husband, they either live a life of virtue or have become sati on the husband's chita. It is said in the Mahabharata that Pandu's wife Madri had burned her with the body of her husband. Sati's relationship is associated with the devout daughter Devyani. Goddess Sati gave up her life by burning her in the fire of sacrifice due to her father Daksh could not tolerate Shankar's insult. Sati is sometimes used to interpret the woman's purity. In the form of Sati Dah, the fictional narrative behind this type of inhuman phenomenon has been considered as a true form. According to Henry Wavierz, besides the wife Parvati of Shiva, the names of the wives of Brahma are also mentioned in the causes of the origin of Sati method. In the form of simulating the wives of Shiva and Brahma, the then influential kings and emperors started burning alive the daughters of their families. In the eyes of the Greeks The purpose of the practice was to prevent the husbands from poisoning their husbands; That means, if the wives also have to burn on the dead husband's pyre, they will not poison the husband. The straws have written that with the Alexander the Greeks saw Sati among the hardships of Punjab.
Shudrak and Banabhatta have mentioned Sati method in their texts. Seeing the death of Harsh's father Prabhakar Vardhan in Harshacharitra, the description of the fate of Mother Yashmati is described. Some such records have been found in which Sati method is mentioned. The 510E-Aryan record is the oldest. It mentions that the gopuras were killed fighting the enemies in battle and their wife had become sati with her dead body. An inscription from Nepal's 705E shows that the widow of Dharmadev expresses her desire to become a sati by advising her son Mahadev to take charge of the government. Between the 7th century and the eleventh century, the Sati Pratya was particularly popular in India, especially in Kashmir. Kalhana reveals that Jayatali, the late wife of Utvavanshaya Raja, had also become a Bhasm with her husband burning in a chita. Not only their wives but also their wives, along with the kings, also started becoming sati and the kings of Kalash and Uttarkesh His wives and nurses were also sati with the dead body. This practice was also practiced in Pratihar, Parmar, Chauhan etc. dynasty. Rajasthan was considered to be the stronghold of Sati in the Middle Ages.
The custom of burning a widow on a deceased husband's pyre is related to the character. This practice was limited to Kshatriya Charitra. People of this character used to be warriors and rulers. They had great affection for family status and freedom. According to Vradevi, Sati's custom is valid for Kshatriyans. Brahmins were not commanded to follow this practice. Traditional or historical example of the widows' sacrifice with husbands is related only to the Kshatriyas. Although historical examples are found after the early medieval period. Probably there is no example of the self-destruction of Vaishya or Shudra's wife. It is recommended to burn the Brahmin widows also in the initial memories. But archival evidence of such practice in Brahmin society is minimal. It is clear from the study of the historical audience that this practice was not completely absent in Brahmins, But it was not as widespread and distinct as it was found in the case of Rajputs. Due to being a fighter community, the Rajput people looked for more loyalty and integrity than their women, servants and others. According to a medieval crematorium named Angirus, there is a sati self-sacrifice by Brahmin widows while another Puran has praised it.
According to Medhaithi, Sati is a form of suicide which Veda opposes and is forbidden for women. They condemn it while comparing it with 'Shayananag', in which a person kills his enemy with black magic. The culprit is definitively unfavorable to him and his statement is that if the widow is alive then she can do good by giving gifts to her husband in Shraddha, but if she burns in a chita, she commits suicide. He further says that Shruti's religion is a prohibition of suicide, but the Smritikans accepted normal suicides as unfair and sanctioned the Sati method as a specific suicide and recognized it. Barabhatta has strongly opposed Sati method in the book Kadambari. The heroine Mahasweta has justified her not to be a sati on the death of her beloved, and on the other hand, Rati, Pritha, There is also an example of mischief who did not co-operate after the death of his husbands. According to Chanbhatta, the sadistic great mistake made in Sati Pratima despair and Divanage is. It does not help the dead person because he goes to heaven or hell according to his acts, Therefore, there is no reunion of both of them, because the unnecessarily married wife goes to hell because hell is reserved for suicide. By surviving, such a widow can do her own good by doing virtuous work and through the charity of Dakshina, she can also benefit from the death of Parlok. Pandit Devanbhatt, another commentator of the twelfth century, has written that Sati Pratytha is a religion of extremely downcast and it can never be recommended. In the 13th century monument, the excavation has been shown to be lower than Brahmacharya. According to the Tantric texts Mahanirvaranvantan, the husband who behaved rude with his wife had to fast during the day fasting. The Shakta Tantra has prohibited Sati, because the woman is the form of the Greatest Goddess and if someone burns her with her husband, then she will be awarded the punishment of hell.
There were several important reasons behind the practice of Sati. The ideology of Sannyas was increasing in the society. In this situation, the burning of the woman with her husband was seen as a glorious supreme sacrifice. With the virtue received from Sati, her husband's sin is destroyed and he receives heaven and he meets her for a permanent wife. Second, due to the influence of Shakya, Sati Pratna became more popular in India. In doubt, the rite was coming that with the king the queen and other residues were burnt. Thirdly, there is a restriction for ordinary suicides in the Vedas, which means that Sati Pratyah was considered a special suicide which was not tabooed by religion.
In the early medieval period, with the development of feudal values, the rule of women becomes hardened by men, and due to this sentiment, social evil, such as Sati Pratva, arises. In this period, only a few widows became sati through extravagant feelings. Their numbers were not so much that they should be forced to be influenced by every widow of the society. In later times, Sati Pradhan got caught up, when the Muslims conquered the country, Hindu widows started feeling insecure, because the Muslim unarmed young women used to catch Hindu widows and raped them. For this reason, incidents of sati have increased in proportion. As well as being a sati, being a matter related to family status, women started becoming sati for social paramountcy. In this way, the work which was very low and sometimes it was, now due to the obligation, much more was started.
The practice of self-denial of widows in a husband's mage is an incident which was clearly invented by the priests after the compilation of Manu's code of conduct. Sastri is not mentioned in Apastamb, Awalayana and other Dharmasutra even in Manusmriti. Vishnu theology which is a continuous creation, According to them, after the death of their husband, they either live a life of virtue or have become sati on the husband's chita. It is said in the Mahabharata that Pandu's wife Madri had burned her with the body of her husband. Sati's relationship is associated with the devout daughter Devyani. Goddess Sati gave up her life by burning her in the fire of sacrifice due to her father Daksh could not tolerate Shankar's insult. Sati is sometimes used to interpret the woman's purity. In the form of Sati Dah, the fictional narrative behind this type of inhuman phenomenon has been considered as a true form. According to Henry Wavierz, besides the wife Parvati of Shiva, the names of the wives of Brahma are also mentioned in the causes of the origin of Sati method. In the form of simulating the wives of Shiva and Brahma, the then influential kings and emperors started burning alive the daughters of their families. In the eyes of the Greeks The purpose of the practice was to prevent the husbands from poisoning their husbands; That means, if the wives also have to burn on the dead husband's pyre, they will not poison the husband. The straws have written that with the Alexander the Greeks saw Sati among the hardships of Punjab.
Shudrak and Banabhatta have mentioned Sati method in their texts. Seeing the death of Harsh's father Prabhakar Vardhan in Harshacharitra, the description of the fate of Mother Yashmati is described. Some such records have been found in which Sati method is mentioned. The 510E-Aryan record is the oldest. It mentions that the gopuras were killed fighting the enemies in battle and their wife had become sati with her dead body. An inscription from Nepal's 705E shows that the widow of Dharmadev expresses her desire to become a sati by advising her son Mahadev to take charge of the government. Between the 7th century and the eleventh century, the Sati Pratya was particularly popular in India, especially in Kashmir. Kalhana reveals that Jayatali, the late wife of Utvavanshaya Raja, had also become a Bhasm with her husband burning in a chita. Not only their wives but also their wives, along with the kings, also started becoming sati and the kings of Kalash and Uttarkesh His wives and nurses were also sati with the dead body. This practice was also practiced in Pratihar, Parmar, Chauhan etc. dynasty. Rajasthan was considered to be the stronghold of Sati in the Middle Ages.
The custom of burning a widow on a deceased husband's pyre is related to the character. This practice was limited to Kshatriya Charitra. People of this character used to be warriors and rulers. They had great affection for family status and freedom. According to Vradevi, Sati's custom is valid for Kshatriyans. Brahmins were not commanded to follow this practice. Traditional or historical example of the widows' sacrifice with husbands is related only to the Kshatriyas. Although historical examples are found after the early medieval period. Probably there is no example of the self-destruction of Vaishya or Shudra's wife. It is recommended to burn the Brahmin widows also in the initial memories. But archival evidence of such practice in Brahmin society is minimal. It is clear from the study of the historical audience that this practice was not completely absent in Brahmins, But it was not as widespread and distinct as it was found in the case of Rajputs. Due to being a fighter community, the Rajput people looked for more loyalty and integrity than their women, servants and others. According to a medieval crematorium named Angirus, there is a sati self-sacrifice by Brahmin widows while another Puran has praised it.
According to Medhaithi, Sati is a form of suicide which Veda opposes and is forbidden for women. They condemn it while comparing it with 'Shayananag', in which a person kills his enemy with black magic. The culprit is definitively unfavorable to him and his statement is that if the widow is alive then she can do good by giving gifts to her husband in Shraddha, but if she burns in a chita, she commits suicide. He further says that Shruti's religion is a prohibition of suicide, but the Smritikans accepted normal suicides as unfair and sanctioned the Sati method as a specific suicide and recognized it. Barabhatta has strongly opposed Sati method in the book Kadambari. The heroine Mahasweta has justified her not to be a sati on the death of her beloved, and on the other hand, Rati, Pritha, There is also an example of mischief who did not co-operate after the death of his husbands. According to Chanbhatta, the sadistic great mistake made in Sati Pratima despair and Divanage is. It does not help the dead person because he goes to heaven or hell according to his acts, Therefore, there is no reunion of both of them, because the unnecessarily married wife goes to hell because hell is reserved for suicide. By surviving, such a widow can do her own good by doing virtuous work and through the charity of Dakshina, she can also benefit from the death of Parlok. Pandit Devanbhatt, another commentator of the twelfth century, has written that Sati Pratytha is a religion of extremely downcast and it can never be recommended. In the 13th century monument, the excavation has been shown to be lower than Brahmacharya. According to the Tantric texts Mahanirvaranvantan, the husband who behaved rude with his wife had to fast during the day fasting. The Shakta Tantra has prohibited Sati, because the woman is the form of the Greatest Goddess and if someone burns her with her husband, then she will be awarded the punishment of hell.
There were several important reasons behind the practice of Sati. The ideology of Sannyas was increasing in the society. In this situation, the burning of the woman with her husband was seen as a glorious supreme sacrifice. With the virtue received from Sati, her husband's sin is destroyed and he receives heaven and he meets her for a permanent wife. Second, due to the influence of Shakya, Sati Pratna became more popular in India. In doubt, the rite was coming that with the king the queen and other residues were burnt. Thirdly, there is a restriction for ordinary suicides in the Vedas, which means that Sati Pratyah was considered a special suicide which was not tabooed by religion.
In the early medieval period, with the development of feudal values, the rule of women becomes hardened by men, and due to this sentiment, social evil, such as Sati Pratva, arises. In this period, only a few widows became sati through extravagant feelings. Their numbers were not so much that they should be forced to be influenced by every widow of the society. In later times, Sati Pradhan got caught up, when the Muslims conquered the country, Hindu widows started feeling insecure, because the Muslim unarmed young women used to catch Hindu widows and raped them. For this reason, incidents of sati have increased in proportion. As well as being a sati, being a matter related to family status, women started becoming sati for social paramountcy. In this way, the work which was very low and sometimes it was, now due to the obligation, much more was started.
It is clear from the quotes from Sati system of contemporary literary works and foreigners that in the medieval times, there was a wide circulation of Sati method in medieval times. Alburini writes that if a woman's husband had died, then she did not marry any other person, either she lived as a widow or used to die with a dead husband. The latter option i.e. the option of burning water with the deceased husband was usually preferred, because the widow was alive till she was alive. As far as the wives of the kings were concerned, whether they habitually or not, Used to burn her with a dead husband. In this, he wanted them to do such unethical work, so that the name of his well-known husband would start to smear. An exception was made in this rule only when the widow was much older and in the case of those widows whose children were born because the mother is responsible for the safety of the child. According to Manu, "After the death of her husband, there was four ways for a Hindu woman, or she would have died with her husband or adopted prostitution or with her parents or remarriage." In it, the second and fourth The path was not generally adopted. It was considered to be a great disrespect for the family that none of her female members preferred staying in the form of a widow instead of burning water with her after her husband's death. If the women refused to go along with her after her dead husband's death,
Evidence of the practice of Sati Pratishtha in Vijayanagara society is mentioned in both the records and foreign accounts. In an inscription of 1354 CE in the records of Vijayanagara, a female named Malagauda, after the death of her husband, is related to asceticism or ascension. In this period, after the death of her husband, Sati was considered a symbol of salvation. There are considerable references to sati or concurrence in Vijayanagarar records, and almost all foreign travelers have mentioned this brutal practice with a great extension. Based on archival evidence, it has been estimated that this practice was limited to heroes and royals only. Duart Barbosa wrote that this practice was not prevalent in Lingayats, Chettis and Brahmans. Stone memorials were set in memory of women who became sati Yet this practice was not theoretically prevalent, Although it was considered honorable. The state's view was not neutral in relation to Sati system. Divorce marriages were free from marriage. It appears, therefore, that the state did not promote Sati Pratha in practical terms.
The practice of Sati method was very high in Rajputana. Most Rajput women climbed their husbands' desire for desire or reluctance. On average, every Rajput princess welcomed the opportunity of being a sati and allowed the dead husband not to burn alone. Colonel Todd writes that women of other countries will see the fate of the Rajasthani women full of frightening difficulties. At each stage of life, death is standing to accept them. Fire flames at the time of birth at the time of poison and youth. His safe life is based on uncertainty of war which is never more than twelve months. Because Rajput Sardar habitually married many, so their wives sacrificed a large number of wives after the death of their husband. Ibnbuttuta mentioned Amizhara (Amjaur) in 'Rehala' where he had seen collectively entering the fire in the fire, These women belonged to the Rathod family. Manu writes that she has seen Rajput widows burning with her dead husband many times. It was a large crew, sometimes with 15, 20 and even 30 widows. If the husband had more than one wife from the other than the other, only Patraani was allowed to burn on the deceased husband's chita while the other queens were burning on different worries. After the death of Raja Jai Singh, his Patarni Surendravati had gone to the Chita with the other two queens and masterpieces. After the death of Raja Ratan Singh, Padmavati was satiated with the consent of another queen Naummati. In Mriguti, Kutubin writes that after the death of Rajkumar, Rukmini and Rannivas (84) Chaurasi women had declared death by burning. Articles written on Sati related stones and panels obtained from Rajputana are evident from the fact that the Sati monuments were constructed on a large scale by the Rajputs. Maharana Pratap of Marwar, Maldev, Jaswant Singh, Rai Singh of Bikaner and Bhim Singh of Kota like queens of rulers were enslaved in their husbands' chita.
In the Mughal period, the Sati Pratyam was founded as a compulsive liar. Instead of spending a terrible life of hunger, hatred and slavery in the family, widows considered it to be worthwhile to burn the painful death with the hope of reunion with their late husband. In this way it was not unheard of that the Sati method became very common in the medieval Hindu society. Father Masarrat, who came to the court of Akbar, has written that the wives of the famous Brahmin people of the upper classes of the Hindus, according to the ancient traditions of their religion, are used for it, that their dead husband's body burns with him. According to Delawale, "women of India" love their husbands so intensely that when their husband dies, he resolves to die with water. "Ibnbuttuta, Manuichi, Pellestart, Bernier Tavernier and Foster almost all the then Foreign travelers have described Sati practice in some way in their travelogue.
Another form of Sati method which was prevalent in Rajasthan, which was called "Jauhar Partha", was given to the woman by the end of her life without waiting for her husband's death. The difference between Jawahar and Sati was that the possibility of death was the practice of burning only after the death of Jauhar, whereas after the death of Sati husband, there was a practice of self-denial by co-occurrence or ratification. James Tod writes that the fate of the princesses was of terrible hardship. Death in every stage of life was ready to take them in their embrace. The defeat of her husband in a war or the encroachment of a city by the enemy, was an indication for those people that they were worse than the deaths and their terrible threats, which was worse than the death of the princes, this practice was common in the International Wars of Jawhar Rajputs. . When Rajput Sardar or his warrior were disappointed in losing a war campaign,
When Khaliji Sultan Alauddin Khilji attacked Ranthambore, Rana of the mountain set fire to the peak of the mountain and threw the women and children of his own here and confronted some of his loyal supporters who fought with the enemy and the companions Together with Life Home made. Roy of Compilia made Jauhar at that time when Muhammad bin Tughlaq was his fortress to arrest his rebel Sardar Ghuताātap. According to Ibnbuttu, "Rai lit a heavy fire and burned his wives, rich wives and all the property, then with a bare sword for a shield without a shield, the soldiers of the Sultan with the elected chieftains and fought and killed them. . "
Evidence of the practice of Sati Pratishtha in Vijayanagara society is mentioned in both the records and foreign accounts. In an inscription of 1354 CE in the records of Vijayanagara, a female named Malagauda, after the death of her husband, is related to asceticism or ascension. In this period, after the death of her husband, Sati was considered a symbol of salvation. There are considerable references to sati or concurrence in Vijayanagarar records, and almost all foreign travelers have mentioned this brutal practice with a great extension. Based on archival evidence, it has been estimated that this practice was limited to heroes and royals only. Duart Barbosa wrote that this practice was not prevalent in Lingayats, Chettis and Brahmans. Stone memorials were set in memory of women who became sati Yet this practice was not theoretically prevalent, Although it was considered honorable. The state's view was not neutral in relation to Sati system. Divorce marriages were free from marriage. It appears, therefore, that the state did not promote Sati Pratha in practical terms.
The practice of Sati method was very high in Rajputana. Most Rajput women climbed their husbands' desire for desire or reluctance. On average, every Rajput princess welcomed the opportunity of being a sati and allowed the dead husband not to burn alone. Colonel Todd writes that women of other countries will see the fate of the Rajasthani women full of frightening difficulties. At each stage of life, death is standing to accept them. Fire flames at the time of birth at the time of poison and youth. His safe life is based on uncertainty of war which is never more than twelve months. Because Rajput Sardar habitually married many, so their wives sacrificed a large number of wives after the death of their husband. Ibnbuttuta mentioned Amizhara (Amjaur) in 'Rehala' where he had seen collectively entering the fire in the fire, These women belonged to the Rathod family. Manu writes that she has seen Rajput widows burning with her dead husband many times. It was a large crew, sometimes with 15, 20 and even 30 widows. If the husband had more than one wife from the other than the other, only Patraani was allowed to burn on the deceased husband's chita while the other queens were burning on different worries. After the death of Raja Jai Singh, his Patarni Surendravati had gone to the Chita with the other two queens and masterpieces. After the death of Raja Ratan Singh, Padmavati was satiated with the consent of another queen Naummati. In Mriguti, Kutubin writes that after the death of Rajkumar, Rukmini and Rannivas (84) Chaurasi women had declared death by burning. Articles written on Sati related stones and panels obtained from Rajputana are evident from the fact that the Sati monuments were constructed on a large scale by the Rajputs. Maharana Pratap of Marwar, Maldev, Jaswant Singh, Rai Singh of Bikaner and Bhim Singh of Kota like queens of rulers were enslaved in their husbands' chita.
In the Mughal period, the Sati Pratyam was founded as a compulsive liar. Instead of spending a terrible life of hunger, hatred and slavery in the family, widows considered it to be worthwhile to burn the painful death with the hope of reunion with their late husband. In this way it was not unheard of that the Sati method became very common in the medieval Hindu society. Father Masarrat, who came to the court of Akbar, has written that the wives of the famous Brahmin people of the upper classes of the Hindus, according to the ancient traditions of their religion, are used for it, that their dead husband's body burns with him. According to Delawale, "women of India" love their husbands so intensely that when their husband dies, he resolves to die with water. "Ibnbuttuta, Manuichi, Pellestart, Bernier Tavernier and Foster almost all the then Foreign travelers have described Sati practice in some way in their travelogue.
Another form of Sati method which was prevalent in Rajasthan, which was called "Jauhar Partha", was given to the woman by the end of her life without waiting for her husband's death. The difference between Jawahar and Sati was that the possibility of death was the practice of burning only after the death of Jauhar, whereas after the death of Sati husband, there was a practice of self-denial by co-occurrence or ratification. James Tod writes that the fate of the princesses was of terrible hardship. Death in every stage of life was ready to take them in their embrace. The defeat of her husband in a war or the encroachment of a city by the enemy, was an indication for those people that they were worse than the deaths and their terrible threats, which was worse than the death of the princes, this practice was common in the International Wars of Jawhar Rajputs. . When Rajput Sardar or his warrior were disappointed in losing a war campaign,
When Khaliji Sultan Alauddin Khilji attacked Ranthambore, Rana of the mountain set fire to the peak of the mountain and threw the women and children of his own here and confronted some of his loyal supporters who fought with the enemy and the companions Together with Life Home made. Roy of Compilia made Jauhar at that time when Muhammad bin Tughlaq was his fortress to arrest his rebel Sardar Ghuताātap. According to Ibnbuttu, "Rai lit a heavy fire and burned his wives, rich wives and all the property, then with a bare sword for a shield without a shield, the soldiers of the Sultan with the elected chieftains and fought and killed them. . "
In the early years of the 19th century, traditional religious concept was prevalent that after the husband's death, the widows entered the pyre in the lap of their husband's body and the wife used to prove her devotion and purity. Even the hope of getting heaven was the widows self-indulging. Upholding the words of Angra, Vyasmuni and Jupiter, which said that 35 lakhs of hair is on the body of man and every woman who burns with her husband on a pyre, she will live in heaven with her husband for the same days The heiress is to be done, the widows were motivated to be sati. The second assumption was that the woman did not believe in this great act not only to go to heaven, but through the death of the woman herself, her husband, From his family to the seven generations it would have been safe, even if they are not sinners. These people will get the highest happiness in heaven and will be rich on the earth. If a woman believes in such results for herself or her loved ones then she can not stop herself from becoming sati.
The widowed widow was explained to the widow that there is no limit to the fullness of the women who join her in a co-operation with her husband. This raises thousands of times in his family fame and achievement. The woman who is happily married with her dead husband's body, gets absolute fullness, and also gets rid of her husband with all the sins of the earth. It was even said that he was also relieved from the greatness of Brahminhatsa and cowhittas. According to Colbert, "After the death of her husband, there was no alternative except for the widows being burnt in a pyre. It was the belief that the widows who did not commit themselves to their dead husband in Pita, He will be born as an animal in the next life and will be deprived of enjoying pleasure with his husband in heaven. On not doing duty, he will sin against his husband and cause the sin and destruction of the three clans. The widows often became crazy and crazy due to husbandishok and disconnection sadness as well as being provoked by others. The teachings of relatives and greed come in the provocation of greedy pundits and mournfully - by raising one hand by opening one's hair and breaking the bracelets of their hands, then the Brahmin pundit understands that the widow's willingness to die in self-acquaintance with her husband and die Holds.
Superstition made the male society blind and inanimate By staying away from logic and conscience, the father forced his child's widowed daughter to sit in a forcefully lit chita, and by the sons, the old mother was persuaded to become a sati. In the contemporary society, there are two forms of Sati method, first, was voluntary, in which the widow declared herself to die in a chita with her husband and secondly, It was binding even while being involuntary. After husband's death, the widow had to commit suicide, whether it was voluntary or forced by the society or her relatives. In the letter written to the Justice Department on 18 November 1818, the Superintendent of Lower Provinces, Walter Ever, had said that the widows wanted to be voluntarily born because of grief and not being well-wishers in the form of friends or relatives, but later said that The widows are burned by the family members so that the expenses of the family are reduced. IAS Bushwi has revealed that all the incidents of Sati were voluntary. There may be an exception in this ace. On the other hand, J. Pepes has said in his book Sagej Cry Two Britain (1828) that as many cases of Sati have come to light, they are mostly forcibly, Stiffness or drug-related incidents occur. Fannie Parks has commented, giving an example of a strange incident in Kanpur, "Where the woman had to go to heaven with her husband, she was kept in the hospital under the care of her doctor."
From other perspectives, many widows wanted to become sati in the chita by being frightened by the rigid and complex ritualistic laws. But there were some such widows who did not want to do this, He used to force the family and the people of the society to commit self-denial. According to Phillip Mason, in the name of Satidah in Bengal, endless ruthless murders were executed. It is learned from the arguments and documents that 9 of the 10 widows in Bengal were scared and killed by terror and terror. The governor-general of the Bengal Presidency got the information that it was being consumed by the consumption of narcotics and the young widows were handed over to the pyre. It was also seen that sometimes opium etc. was used to relax women's senses so that they could easily embrace death. R.C. Majumdar writes that "Such instances are found in papers that when the woman stood away from the touch of fire, she would then be forced to be kept on the chita. Care was taken by men to prevent such incidents. The widow's body is made of wood, Covering the leaves and straw and pressing down with the help of two bamboos before firing a fire. At the same time, the crowd used to cry loudly like the thunderbolt and the drum was sounded. By doing so, Arthanad of poor man could not hear the audience. "
Being sati was considered to be a completely voluntary work in a way, however, there is no doubt that in many cases this was not the case. Some women did not die because their love for her husband was more than death. Some did not die because his religion was full of joy, but he was confident that he would be more happy in the world. For some names, something like this is for the memorial and memorial to be made for the dead, because some of his name may be recorded in the long list of his family gods, to get rid of some other thousand longs, sins and sufferings. She knew about being a widow in her part. The women who declared the determination to become Sati due to the ambiguity or transient impulses, often attempting to retreat by looking at the horror of fire, it was too late; Which could not be stopped. He used to take the pledge of law, so the priest and other men instantly pushed the widow on the pyre.
In the early years of the 19th century, two forms of Sati method were prevalent in society, first, 'Saharanan' or 'Sehogman' and second 'Aparamanana' or 'Angraman'. This method was followed by Saharan Brahmin widows. In this, widows used to burn in the mud with their dead husband's body. If Satidah was not possible immediately, then it was used in the form of permission or follow-up method and it was accomplished in the will of the widow woman. The reason could be anything, just as if the husband is dead in a distant country, it is not possible for a widow to go there, in case of a woman being pregnant, she would have waited until that time that she would not have a baby. Under this practice, women used to display ashes of their husbands' chit or other material that would show their memory, such as sandals, clothes, ornaments, There was a sati of 28 Gazipur from 1822. It is mentioned that the 60-year-old Zunya had committed self-murder after 15 years of her husband's death. After 40 years of Karanjja, 40 years old, the old Bhujagan adopted Sati method after 25 years of husband's death and 70 year old Hulsi after 16 years of his husband Namdhari Tiwari's death.
Brahmin women were allowed only with consent, whereas females of other castes could use both ratification and symphony. Various forms of Sati were popular among some Hindus of eastern Yogi community. In this community, with his deceased husband, his wife was bequeathed to the soil. According to Pandit Shree Chandra Tarkalankar of the Yogi community, "If a deceased husband is buried, then the widow should also embrace death with her." In some areas, widows were burnt with dead husbands or sacrificed their lives by consuming poison . It was a popular belief in the 19th century that according to the theology, women of Brahman, Kshatriyya, Vaishya and Shudra could be burnt to their dead husbands in a chita. Had it not been a child in his lap, he would not be pregnant, Do not be filthy or impure and should not be younger than young age. Widows under the age of 16 were not allowed to be sati. Such women could not have been Sati, whose child was less than three years old. But if a person took the responsibility of the widow to take care of the child, then that widow could be sati in that situation. If the widow's child is less than three years old and her husband is not getting her then she is not a sati Could.
This illusion and illusion were spread by the fundamentalist traditions in the greed of a little money, because all valuable jewels of widows were received by the Brahmins. Tomas Harvart writes in a book 'Travel in Africa and Asia' that after the fire was extinguished, the Brahmins used to collect gold, chonadi and copper from Chita. The distribution of ornaments was done in the middle of the panditans as soon as the end of the savior. By sharing the dispute, sometimes blood would have been eaten up to them. Perhaps that is why it is directed in the Rig Veda that she will be satiated by being bestowed with the finest ornaments. Latif writes that gold and ornaments were plundered by the defenders during the sati of the widows of Ranjit Singh Diwan Jawahar Singh in Punjab. They robbed the widows without any penitence and because the unfortunate widows were going to climb up the pyre, so their nose and ear jewels which they wear according to their religion,
William Ever writes that after the burning of the widow, Brahmin kept some aspirations of gifts, prizes and food. At that time, the remuneration of a widow of a wealthy family of Satidah would get 200 rupees. The greed of money has inspired the Brahmins to make Satidah's events as big as possible. For instance, after the death of Chandra Banerjee in Shantipur village near Navdip in Nadia district, in 1816, the elite extended their eight widows to a sati. Similarly, in 1799 AD, after the death of a person on the bank of river Bhagirathi in Bangpada, the worries of the Natives were burning for three days. On the first day three widows were handed over to 15 widows on the second day and 19 widows on the last day.
The oppressive practice of Satidah was prevalent in many areas of Rajputana and Ganga, and spread across North India. According to Dubois, this practice was not yet developed in South India. Of the 30 lakh population of Madras province, 30 widows also could not commit suicide in one year. The southwest area was almost unaffected by this practice. According to Malcolm's report, this practice was at its peak in Central India. In the reign of Rajputs, this practice was very developed in Rajputana. This practice was present in the form of jauhar in Rajput families. In Maharashtra, occasionally the incidents of sati of widows were heard. Recent research shows that in the 19th century, Sati's practice was fierce, whereas there was no such thing. Sati incidents were not common, but its scope was too small. There was no such thing as Sati's incidents were continuous,
The widowed widow was explained to the widow that there is no limit to the fullness of the women who join her in a co-operation with her husband. This raises thousands of times in his family fame and achievement. The woman who is happily married with her dead husband's body, gets absolute fullness, and also gets rid of her husband with all the sins of the earth. It was even said that he was also relieved from the greatness of Brahminhatsa and cowhittas. According to Colbert, "After the death of her husband, there was no alternative except for the widows being burnt in a pyre. It was the belief that the widows who did not commit themselves to their dead husband in Pita, He will be born as an animal in the next life and will be deprived of enjoying pleasure with his husband in heaven. On not doing duty, he will sin against his husband and cause the sin and destruction of the three clans. The widows often became crazy and crazy due to husbandishok and disconnection sadness as well as being provoked by others. The teachings of relatives and greed come in the provocation of greedy pundits and mournfully - by raising one hand by opening one's hair and breaking the bracelets of their hands, then the Brahmin pundit understands that the widow's willingness to die in self-acquaintance with her husband and die Holds.
Superstition made the male society blind and inanimate By staying away from logic and conscience, the father forced his child's widowed daughter to sit in a forcefully lit chita, and by the sons, the old mother was persuaded to become a sati. In the contemporary society, there are two forms of Sati method, first, was voluntary, in which the widow declared herself to die in a chita with her husband and secondly, It was binding even while being involuntary. After husband's death, the widow had to commit suicide, whether it was voluntary or forced by the society or her relatives. In the letter written to the Justice Department on 18 November 1818, the Superintendent of Lower Provinces, Walter Ever, had said that the widows wanted to be voluntarily born because of grief and not being well-wishers in the form of friends or relatives, but later said that The widows are burned by the family members so that the expenses of the family are reduced. IAS Bushwi has revealed that all the incidents of Sati were voluntary. There may be an exception in this ace. On the other hand, J. Pepes has said in his book Sagej Cry Two Britain (1828) that as many cases of Sati have come to light, they are mostly forcibly, Stiffness or drug-related incidents occur. Fannie Parks has commented, giving an example of a strange incident in Kanpur, "Where the woman had to go to heaven with her husband, she was kept in the hospital under the care of her doctor."
From other perspectives, many widows wanted to become sati in the chita by being frightened by the rigid and complex ritualistic laws. But there were some such widows who did not want to do this, He used to force the family and the people of the society to commit self-denial. According to Phillip Mason, in the name of Satidah in Bengal, endless ruthless murders were executed. It is learned from the arguments and documents that 9 of the 10 widows in Bengal were scared and killed by terror and terror. The governor-general of the Bengal Presidency got the information that it was being consumed by the consumption of narcotics and the young widows were handed over to the pyre. It was also seen that sometimes opium etc. was used to relax women's senses so that they could easily embrace death. R.C. Majumdar writes that "Such instances are found in papers that when the woman stood away from the touch of fire, she would then be forced to be kept on the chita. Care was taken by men to prevent such incidents. The widow's body is made of wood, Covering the leaves and straw and pressing down with the help of two bamboos before firing a fire. At the same time, the crowd used to cry loudly like the thunderbolt and the drum was sounded. By doing so, Arthanad of poor man could not hear the audience. "
Being sati was considered to be a completely voluntary work in a way, however, there is no doubt that in many cases this was not the case. Some women did not die because their love for her husband was more than death. Some did not die because his religion was full of joy, but he was confident that he would be more happy in the world. For some names, something like this is for the memorial and memorial to be made for the dead, because some of his name may be recorded in the long list of his family gods, to get rid of some other thousand longs, sins and sufferings. She knew about being a widow in her part. The women who declared the determination to become Sati due to the ambiguity or transient impulses, often attempting to retreat by looking at the horror of fire, it was too late; Which could not be stopped. He used to take the pledge of law, so the priest and other men instantly pushed the widow on the pyre.
In the early years of the 19th century, two forms of Sati method were prevalent in society, first, 'Saharanan' or 'Sehogman' and second 'Aparamanana' or 'Angraman'. This method was followed by Saharan Brahmin widows. In this, widows used to burn in the mud with their dead husband's body. If Satidah was not possible immediately, then it was used in the form of permission or follow-up method and it was accomplished in the will of the widow woman. The reason could be anything, just as if the husband is dead in a distant country, it is not possible for a widow to go there, in case of a woman being pregnant, she would have waited until that time that she would not have a baby. Under this practice, women used to display ashes of their husbands' chit or other material that would show their memory, such as sandals, clothes, ornaments, There was a sati of 28 Gazipur from 1822. It is mentioned that the 60-year-old Zunya had committed self-murder after 15 years of her husband's death. After 40 years of Karanjja, 40 years old, the old Bhujagan adopted Sati method after 25 years of husband's death and 70 year old Hulsi after 16 years of his husband Namdhari Tiwari's death.
Brahmin women were allowed only with consent, whereas females of other castes could use both ratification and symphony. Various forms of Sati were popular among some Hindus of eastern Yogi community. In this community, with his deceased husband, his wife was bequeathed to the soil. According to Pandit Shree Chandra Tarkalankar of the Yogi community, "If a deceased husband is buried, then the widow should also embrace death with her." In some areas, widows were burnt with dead husbands or sacrificed their lives by consuming poison . It was a popular belief in the 19th century that according to the theology, women of Brahman, Kshatriyya, Vaishya and Shudra could be burnt to their dead husbands in a chita. Had it not been a child in his lap, he would not be pregnant, Do not be filthy or impure and should not be younger than young age. Widows under the age of 16 were not allowed to be sati. Such women could not have been Sati, whose child was less than three years old. But if a person took the responsibility of the widow to take care of the child, then that widow could be sati in that situation. If the widow's child is less than three years old and her husband is not getting her then she is not a sati Could.
This illusion and illusion were spread by the fundamentalist traditions in the greed of a little money, because all valuable jewels of widows were received by the Brahmins. Tomas Harvart writes in a book 'Travel in Africa and Asia' that after the fire was extinguished, the Brahmins used to collect gold, chonadi and copper from Chita. The distribution of ornaments was done in the middle of the panditans as soon as the end of the savior. By sharing the dispute, sometimes blood would have been eaten up to them. Perhaps that is why it is directed in the Rig Veda that she will be satiated by being bestowed with the finest ornaments. Latif writes that gold and ornaments were plundered by the defenders during the sati of the widows of Ranjit Singh Diwan Jawahar Singh in Punjab. They robbed the widows without any penitence and because the unfortunate widows were going to climb up the pyre, so their nose and ear jewels which they wear according to their religion,
William Ever writes that after the burning of the widow, Brahmin kept some aspirations of gifts, prizes and food. At that time, the remuneration of a widow of a wealthy family of Satidah would get 200 rupees. The greed of money has inspired the Brahmins to make Satidah's events as big as possible. For instance, after the death of Chandra Banerjee in Shantipur village near Navdip in Nadia district, in 1816, the elite extended their eight widows to a sati. Similarly, in 1799 AD, after the death of a person on the bank of river Bhagirathi in Bangpada, the worries of the Natives were burning for three days. On the first day three widows were handed over to 15 widows on the second day and 19 widows on the last day.
The oppressive practice of Satidah was prevalent in many areas of Rajputana and Ganga, and spread across North India. According to Dubois, this practice was not yet developed in South India. Of the 30 lakh population of Madras province, 30 widows also could not commit suicide in one year. The southwest area was almost unaffected by this practice. According to Malcolm's report, this practice was at its peak in Central India. In the reign of Rajputs, this practice was very developed in Rajputana. This practice was present in the form of jauhar in Rajput families. In Maharashtra, occasionally the incidents of sati of widows were heard. Recent research shows that in the 19th century, Sati's practice was fierce, whereas there was no such thing. Sati incidents were not common, but its scope was too small. There was no such thing as Sati's incidents were continuous,
During 1815 and 1824, 6632 incidents of Sati in Bengal, Mumbai and Madras were recorded in all three Presidencies, of which 90.4% ie 5997 cases were recorded in Bengal. During the 15 years of 1815 to 1828, the incidents of 8134 Sattidah took place in the Bengal Presidency. In Calcutta alone, 5119 incidents took place, whereas Banaras was the second, Dhaka was the third and Patna was fourth. In the Tippera and Bakarganj areas of the Muslim-dominated Dhaka division, where Hindu majority were, the incidents of Satidah were widespread. In Benaras division there were frequent incidents of Satidah in Gorakhpur and Ghazipur and in Shahabad and Saran of Patna division. The first official report of suicide by the widow was received from Pune in 1787 AD, After that the incident of Sati was recorded in 1788 in Benaras and in 1789 AD from Shahabad. Recent historical research has revealed the fact that all this did not happen in a covert manner, but there was also a bloody conflict between the two gutts about Sati's question. For instance, in 1801 AD, an incident in the Shahabad Police Station was registered as a heinous crime, in which there were conflicts between many armed people of two gutts. In this struggle, 16 people had to suffer from their lives, and after that, four other widows were burnt alive.
The official figures of Satidah were collected, in which the Calcutta division of Bengal Presidency records the highest cases of Satidah. After that Bhojpuri speaker comes in the number of Banaras division. The territories of Satidah that were frequent in the states of Ganga Basin were included in the districts of Gorakhpur, Mirzapur, Banaras, Ghazipur, Shahabad and Saran. According to the violin, in the collection of Satyadah's collections, thousands of pages were spent in the Parliamentary papers by the British Sarar located in India, in which more than four thousand Satidah incidents have been reported. For the purpose of banning the practice of Sati, the collected coins of Satidah from 1829 BC, records of local police stations between 1815 and 1829, statements of eyewitnesses, stories written in stories and biographies, and details of foreign travelers were based on the purpose of banning Sati. 19
In 1803-4, William Carey surveyed a circumference of 30 kilometers in Calcutta that 438 widows had satiidah in these areas in the last 12 months. In the official report received from Saran, one in 1812, two in 1813, and five sati incidents occurred in 1814, which is far from the information of 15 incidents received in 1815 which can not be trusted. Behind such incidents of so little self-sacrifice, it is possible that administrative officials have been neglecting these incidents. 114 incidents are reported from Wardman district between 1811 and 1813, while during the same period, 25 vehicles per year from Gorakhpur and 13 widows have been registered with Sati.
In the years of 1815-18, the number of satidah in the Bengal province has increased respectively. During this period, the incidents of 378 in 1815, 444 in 1816, 707 in 1817 and 839 in 1818 were found in different police stations. In 1827, the number of widows living in the same region had increased to 800 in the same year, whereas in the first 10 years of 1828, the average women had no less than 600. According to the report of incidents of Satidah from various provinces of India between 1824-29, in 1824, 572 in 1825, 639 in 1825, 578 in 1826, In 1827, there were 467 sitidah incidents in 517 and 1828. If the government reports are to be noted, it can be said that in the early years of the 19th century, almost one woman was born sati every day in Bengal. The incidents of sati which have been shown by British officials have also been included in those incidents that have been committed by the widows after the death of their husbands. Anand Yong has underscored that in the early 19th century, the numbers collected in Bengal were more in number than those women who had committed suicide after years of her husband's death.
PJ Marshall has revealed in his book 'The New Cambridge History of India' that most of Satidah's incidents happened with the women of the Shudra caste. Recent research shows that in the early 19th century, the victims of Sati traditions did not belong to any particular caste or its economic background. According to a document obtained from Chobis Pargana of West Bengal in 1819, a total of 52 women were burnt alive in this division, 38 percent of Brahmins were 19 percent Kayastha and 4 percent Vaidya caste. In 1823, there were 517 incidences of Satidah in Bengal, 41 percent (234) Brahmins, 6 percent (35) Kshatriya, 2 percent (16) Vaishyas (292) 51 percent belonged to Shudra caste. This fact proves that Sati Pratyah was equally popular in upper and lower castes. It was only 6 percent in the Kshatriya tribe who called the fighter, while the lower castes, This is the highest percentage of 51% in the Shudras. Except Saran, there was almost the proportion in Shahjahan, Ghazipur and Gorakhpur divisions of Bhojpur district whereas in Saran, the upper caste women had the highest sati. Between 1815 - 1826, only two Harijans are found to be the sati of the widows. Unlike all these accusations that were collected from the Benaras division were absolutely patrolled. For instance, the events of 12th Sati that took place in 1821 AD were related to upper castes, Brahmins and Kshatriyas, in which 11 women of Brahmin and 1 Kshatriya caste were women. The ratio of Ghazipur and Gorakhpur division was almost the same, whereas in Saran, the upper caste women had the highest sati. Between 1815 - 1826, only two Harijans are found to be the sati of the widows. Unlike all these accusations that were collected from the Benaras division were absolutely patrolled. For instance, the events of 12th Sati that took place in 1821 AD were related to upper castes, Brahmins and Kshatriyas, in which 11 women of Brahmin and 1 Kshatriya caste were women. The ratio of Ghazipur and Gorakhpur division was almost the same, whereas in Saran, the upper caste women had the highest sati. Between 1815 - 1826, only two Harijans are found to be the sati of the widows. Unlike all these accusations that were collected from the Benaras division were absolutely patrolled. For instance, the events of 12th Sati that took place in 1821 AD were related to upper castes, Brahmins and Kshatriyas, in which 11 women of Brahmin and 1 Kshatriya caste were women.
If, according to the age, two-thirds of the women, who had committed suicide after their husband's death, were between the age of 40 and 49 years. Only 11.6 percent of the women were found to be 25 years of age. It has been commented in the official report that more than seventeen incidents of self-sacrifice have not happened at the time of youth, when the flame of life has started. There have been reports from almost all the districts that not only did women adopt Sati method in old age, but after a long period of husband's death, there was a consciousness of being sati in them. According to the report received from Ghazipur, Zhenia (60 years) Karanjha (70 years), Bhujagan (80 years) and Hulasi (70 years). There is evidence of being a sati of a 90 year old lady from Bhojpur.
In the early years of the 19th century, a number of events of Satidah led to the history of historians, sociologists and critics to find out the reasons; The incidents that took place in different parts of the country, including the Presidency of Bengal, led to the massacre of Satidah. Some reviewers rejected the ideology that the widow chose to become a sati from the point of view of protecting her holiness and contradictory religion. In the 19th century it was a common assumption that the husband's seat and palace was like paradise for Sati. Mind, If she is devoted to her husband by word and action, she will be honored with her husband in heaven. Hell is the place where living apart from the husband can be free. The priests and their companions described the idea of heaven as colorful and enjoyable with all kinds, that the widows became impatient for this supernatural joy and heaven. The second major religious power was that Indians were more concerned with their religion and scriptures. Inspired by uneducated Indians, Brahmavakya scriptures, they have pressurized widows to become sati. The long series of fasting, self-indulgence, hatred and oppression and misuse, which he used to get from his family; In exchange for the widow, death was more than thousand times more welcome than this sad life. Undoubtedly this sentiment has inspired many widows in the past to sacrifice themselves in their deceased husband's mire. Anand Yong also believes that this would have happened because his life would have been helpless, it would not be right to say that he committed suicide because 'Sat' was entered inside him.
While highlighting the reasons behind the excessive practice of Sati system in Bengal, PV Kane and AK Altaykar Sir gave prominence to the legacy system of prevailing succession in Bengal. In other parts of the country, widows were not entitled to any property, they were only entitled to maintenance. According to the department, after the husband's posthumous wife, the wife had the right to property. In the absence of the Kshatriyas and Rajputs in Bengal - the majority of Brahmins in the new zamindar class were affected, The elitism affected it more. In order to attain prestige, lower Brahmin Brahmins used to give a bride to upper class, and as a result, polygamy was practiced with a lot of enthusiasm. The greed of wealth in the patriarchal family was so dominant that efforts were made to get rid of the widow's claimants by spreading the conscience of widows and reducing the widow's claimants.Ashish Nandy, presenting the concept of the Diwali with another point of view, In time, while Bengal was wandering from time to time due to famine and epidemics, it is possible that such a group would make its caste dominance To keep it, Sati has been looking at the most important reason with the help of the system.
It has been revealed from modern historical research that changes in the form of property from the permanent land-settlement and other supportive land-related legislation passed in 1792, with the need to build British pro-landed zamindar in colonial India on the lines of England. He Came. It may be that the collective rights of the widows are greatly shocked and they have been attracted to this practice in desperation and frustration. Because the widows themselves did not have the right to get the inherited property of her husband in Britain as heritage. For the rights of married women, there was a conflict in the middle of the 19th century and succeeded only after 20 years.
In patriarchal society, property was owned by men. Therefore, attention has been taken on male genealogy to ensure right. For this reason, the woman's virtue was considered more important than the sanctity of men. Once the woman's marriage was done once she was expected that she would remain loyal to her husband even after the death of her husband, even after her husband's death. This kind of feeling towards women's purity and integrity developed into independent power in society. Many stories of purity of women who die of burning with husbands and consequently the salvation of women have been spread through the Puranas and verbally. As a result, women got themselves started to believe in such virtues that they would get burned with the dead body of their husbands. In this way, the belief of the widow is also due to deep feeling in the virtue of suicidal rituals.
Although Ashish Nandy strongly believes that there is little evidence of the events of Satidah in the last decade of the 18th century, there was considerable increase in the early decade of the 19th century. Sati Pratha was an ancient tradition that was related mainly to the Kshatriya community. It was the practice of burning in a pyre with wives killed in the battle. But in the initial phase of the 19th century, none of the relations of Sati were formed, except for one of them, the relation was not from the colonial army. According to them, the traditional Sati was related to the so-called fighter castes. The British Indian Army in Bengal was a mixed army in which there was a complete lack of these castes. This fact balances the fact that there was no dominance of the Kshatriya caste in Bengal and if this region was not even a part of the mainstream of Hindutva, then what power was it which led to the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century In Bengal, a terrible epidemic like Sati spreads in Bengal. In fact, without the pure yield of this tradition, there was no other configuration of political, cultural and psychological forces.
But according to the information received after 1823, it can not be said that one of the events of Satidah was also related to the soldier's family. The army's army was not only from the Bengal province, but most of the soldiers of this army were related to the Awadh and Bhojpuri areas. If the numbers obtained from these areas can be seen, then the idea of Nandie can not be agreed. Studies obtained from the numerical figures indicate that the number of incidents of sati of those widows was very good, which belonged to the soldier's family or the army. In the information received from the district of Shahabad, the number of widows related to the army has been told is not disappointing. The names of soldier widows who receive in the roster, who adopted Sati method after the death of their husband,
Ashish Nandi can be corrected in the fact that there must have been no other foundation for the development of Sati system in the Bengal Presidency, especially in Calcutta, but it can not be denied that any incident of Sati in Shahabad has been related to the Kshatriya family or Was from the colonial army. This fact does not prove to be from the above roster, but it also proves from the bloody affair, in which 16 people were known, then four widows were made to be sati. Then the incident of sati in Patna's Bhumihar Chaudhary family can not be ignored, whose relation was with the Indian army for a long time. They adopted traditional Sati system to keep their social status and reputation alive.
Some scholars point to the fact that among the upper class women and elite of Bengal, there was the hand of patriarchism against Satidah and the girl child cruelty. Due to aristocracy many women were married - many women were married. The person was unable to keep all his wives with him. The women used to live their lives in their own father's house. But there was a flood of widows in her husband's death. Consequently, Sati method has been used as a weapon to control the number of widows. This fact is also evident from the fact that in Calcutta division where Dhaka was more influential than in Dhaka, incidents of Satidah took place on a wider scale.
In modern research, attempts have also been made to connect the events of Satidah with high mortality. According to the researchers there is no doubt that in the untimely Bengal it is the primary way of population control. Due to the high mortality and restriction on widow remarriage in the society, the number of widows in the society will be greatly increased. In the moment of this unavailability, when the widows were considered to be useless and ending resources in society, In such a situation, Sati Prattha has been used as a wrong way of population control. This method was adopted in Bengal when there was a famine on a widespread scale and the yield was constantly decreasing. Commenting on this, the then foreign traveler Cortectair says that "Sati Pratyama should have been more in the poor people, where there was no other way to prevent hunger and disease, not in the high classical sense of humor." Yet, it can be said that mortality There was a close relationship between the satiric cones. 1817 - 18 AD, due to the outbreak of cholera in Bengal, there was considerable increase in mortality, in that year there were many incidents of Satidah in Bengal. According to the information of Magistrate of Banaras Division - 1823, 1824 and 1825 years was a year of weakness, disease and mortality,
Thus, Sati was a religious suicide in a way that was based on discretion. From 1822 to 1829, it is clear from the statistics that most of the widows who adopted Sati Pratishtha belonged to hunger, poverty and disease. After the death of her husband, these women, who have been financially distressed, will adopt the suicide as a religious method in the form of a thoughtful scheme under Sati Pragya. This is the reason that more than seventy incidents of Satidah were executed by women between the ages of 40 and 49, in front of whom the question of life and death was present; Young widows were less attracted to this practice. Even in the absence of support in old age, the suicide committed in the cover of Sati system was transformed into a Cold Sati.
The official figures of Satidah were collected, in which the Calcutta division of Bengal Presidency records the highest cases of Satidah. After that Bhojpuri speaker comes in the number of Banaras division. The territories of Satidah that were frequent in the states of Ganga Basin were included in the districts of Gorakhpur, Mirzapur, Banaras, Ghazipur, Shahabad and Saran. According to the violin, in the collection of Satyadah's collections, thousands of pages were spent in the Parliamentary papers by the British Sarar located in India, in which more than four thousand Satidah incidents have been reported. For the purpose of banning the practice of Sati, the collected coins of Satidah from 1829 BC, records of local police stations between 1815 and 1829, statements of eyewitnesses, stories written in stories and biographies, and details of foreign travelers were based on the purpose of banning Sati. 19
In 1803-4, William Carey surveyed a circumference of 30 kilometers in Calcutta that 438 widows had satiidah in these areas in the last 12 months. In the official report received from Saran, one in 1812, two in 1813, and five sati incidents occurred in 1814, which is far from the information of 15 incidents received in 1815 which can not be trusted. Behind such incidents of so little self-sacrifice, it is possible that administrative officials have been neglecting these incidents. 114 incidents are reported from Wardman district between 1811 and 1813, while during the same period, 25 vehicles per year from Gorakhpur and 13 widows have been registered with Sati.
In the years of 1815-18, the number of satidah in the Bengal province has increased respectively. During this period, the incidents of 378 in 1815, 444 in 1816, 707 in 1817 and 839 in 1818 were found in different police stations. In 1827, the number of widows living in the same region had increased to 800 in the same year, whereas in the first 10 years of 1828, the average women had no less than 600. According to the report of incidents of Satidah from various provinces of India between 1824-29, in 1824, 572 in 1825, 639 in 1825, 578 in 1826, In 1827, there were 467 sitidah incidents in 517 and 1828. If the government reports are to be noted, it can be said that in the early years of the 19th century, almost one woman was born sati every day in Bengal. The incidents of sati which have been shown by British officials have also been included in those incidents that have been committed by the widows after the death of their husbands. Anand Yong has underscored that in the early 19th century, the numbers collected in Bengal were more in number than those women who had committed suicide after years of her husband's death.
PJ Marshall has revealed in his book 'The New Cambridge History of India' that most of Satidah's incidents happened with the women of the Shudra caste. Recent research shows that in the early 19th century, the victims of Sati traditions did not belong to any particular caste or its economic background. According to a document obtained from Chobis Pargana of West Bengal in 1819, a total of 52 women were burnt alive in this division, 38 percent of Brahmins were 19 percent Kayastha and 4 percent Vaidya caste. In 1823, there were 517 incidences of Satidah in Bengal, 41 percent (234) Brahmins, 6 percent (35) Kshatriya, 2 percent (16) Vaishyas (292) 51 percent belonged to Shudra caste. This fact proves that Sati Pratyah was equally popular in upper and lower castes. It was only 6 percent in the Kshatriya tribe who called the fighter, while the lower castes, This is the highest percentage of 51% in the Shudras. Except Saran, there was almost the proportion in Shahjahan, Ghazipur and Gorakhpur divisions of Bhojpur district whereas in Saran, the upper caste women had the highest sati. Between 1815 - 1826, only two Harijans are found to be the sati of the widows. Unlike all these accusations that were collected from the Benaras division were absolutely patrolled. For instance, the events of 12th Sati that took place in 1821 AD were related to upper castes, Brahmins and Kshatriyas, in which 11 women of Brahmin and 1 Kshatriya caste were women. The ratio of Ghazipur and Gorakhpur division was almost the same, whereas in Saran, the upper caste women had the highest sati. Between 1815 - 1826, only two Harijans are found to be the sati of the widows. Unlike all these accusations that were collected from the Benaras division were absolutely patrolled. For instance, the events of 12th Sati that took place in 1821 AD were related to upper castes, Brahmins and Kshatriyas, in which 11 women of Brahmin and 1 Kshatriya caste were women. The ratio of Ghazipur and Gorakhpur division was almost the same, whereas in Saran, the upper caste women had the highest sati. Between 1815 - 1826, only two Harijans are found to be the sati of the widows. Unlike all these accusations that were collected from the Benaras division were absolutely patrolled. For instance, the events of 12th Sati that took place in 1821 AD were related to upper castes, Brahmins and Kshatriyas, in which 11 women of Brahmin and 1 Kshatriya caste were women.
If, according to the age, two-thirds of the women, who had committed suicide after their husband's death, were between the age of 40 and 49 years. Only 11.6 percent of the women were found to be 25 years of age. It has been commented in the official report that more than seventeen incidents of self-sacrifice have not happened at the time of youth, when the flame of life has started. There have been reports from almost all the districts that not only did women adopt Sati method in old age, but after a long period of husband's death, there was a consciousness of being sati in them. According to the report received from Ghazipur, Zhenia (60 years) Karanjha (70 years), Bhujagan (80 years) and Hulasi (70 years). There is evidence of being a sati of a 90 year old lady from Bhojpur.
In the early years of the 19th century, a number of events of Satidah led to the history of historians, sociologists and critics to find out the reasons; The incidents that took place in different parts of the country, including the Presidency of Bengal, led to the massacre of Satidah. Some reviewers rejected the ideology that the widow chose to become a sati from the point of view of protecting her holiness and contradictory religion. In the 19th century it was a common assumption that the husband's seat and palace was like paradise for Sati. Mind, If she is devoted to her husband by word and action, she will be honored with her husband in heaven. Hell is the place where living apart from the husband can be free. The priests and their companions described the idea of heaven as colorful and enjoyable with all kinds, that the widows became impatient for this supernatural joy and heaven. The second major religious power was that Indians were more concerned with their religion and scriptures. Inspired by uneducated Indians, Brahmavakya scriptures, they have pressurized widows to become sati. The long series of fasting, self-indulgence, hatred and oppression and misuse, which he used to get from his family; In exchange for the widow, death was more than thousand times more welcome than this sad life. Undoubtedly this sentiment has inspired many widows in the past to sacrifice themselves in their deceased husband's mire. Anand Yong also believes that this would have happened because his life would have been helpless, it would not be right to say that he committed suicide because 'Sat' was entered inside him.
While highlighting the reasons behind the excessive practice of Sati system in Bengal, PV Kane and AK Altaykar Sir gave prominence to the legacy system of prevailing succession in Bengal. In other parts of the country, widows were not entitled to any property, they were only entitled to maintenance. According to the department, after the husband's posthumous wife, the wife had the right to property. In the absence of the Kshatriyas and Rajputs in Bengal - the majority of Brahmins in the new zamindar class were affected, The elitism affected it more. In order to attain prestige, lower Brahmin Brahmins used to give a bride to upper class, and as a result, polygamy was practiced with a lot of enthusiasm. The greed of wealth in the patriarchal family was so dominant that efforts were made to get rid of the widow's claimants by spreading the conscience of widows and reducing the widow's claimants.Ashish Nandy, presenting the concept of the Diwali with another point of view, In time, while Bengal was wandering from time to time due to famine and epidemics, it is possible that such a group would make its caste dominance To keep it, Sati has been looking at the most important reason with the help of the system.
It has been revealed from modern historical research that changes in the form of property from the permanent land-settlement and other supportive land-related legislation passed in 1792, with the need to build British pro-landed zamindar in colonial India on the lines of England. He Came. It may be that the collective rights of the widows are greatly shocked and they have been attracted to this practice in desperation and frustration. Because the widows themselves did not have the right to get the inherited property of her husband in Britain as heritage. For the rights of married women, there was a conflict in the middle of the 19th century and succeeded only after 20 years.
In patriarchal society, property was owned by men. Therefore, attention has been taken on male genealogy to ensure right. For this reason, the woman's virtue was considered more important than the sanctity of men. Once the woman's marriage was done once she was expected that she would remain loyal to her husband even after the death of her husband, even after her husband's death. This kind of feeling towards women's purity and integrity developed into independent power in society. Many stories of purity of women who die of burning with husbands and consequently the salvation of women have been spread through the Puranas and verbally. As a result, women got themselves started to believe in such virtues that they would get burned with the dead body of their husbands. In this way, the belief of the widow is also due to deep feeling in the virtue of suicidal rituals.
Although Ashish Nandy strongly believes that there is little evidence of the events of Satidah in the last decade of the 18th century, there was considerable increase in the early decade of the 19th century. Sati Pratha was an ancient tradition that was related mainly to the Kshatriya community. It was the practice of burning in a pyre with wives killed in the battle. But in the initial phase of the 19th century, none of the relations of Sati were formed, except for one of them, the relation was not from the colonial army. According to them, the traditional Sati was related to the so-called fighter castes. The British Indian Army in Bengal was a mixed army in which there was a complete lack of these castes. This fact balances the fact that there was no dominance of the Kshatriya caste in Bengal and if this region was not even a part of the mainstream of Hindutva, then what power was it which led to the end of the 18th century and the beginning of the 19th century In Bengal, a terrible epidemic like Sati spreads in Bengal. In fact, without the pure yield of this tradition, there was no other configuration of political, cultural and psychological forces.
But according to the information received after 1823, it can not be said that one of the events of Satidah was also related to the soldier's family. The army's army was not only from the Bengal province, but most of the soldiers of this army were related to the Awadh and Bhojpuri areas. If the numbers obtained from these areas can be seen, then the idea of Nandie can not be agreed. Studies obtained from the numerical figures indicate that the number of incidents of sati of those widows was very good, which belonged to the soldier's family or the army. In the information received from the district of Shahabad, the number of widows related to the army has been told is not disappointing. The names of soldier widows who receive in the roster, who adopted Sati method after the death of their husband,
Ashish Nandi can be corrected in the fact that there must have been no other foundation for the development of Sati system in the Bengal Presidency, especially in Calcutta, but it can not be denied that any incident of Sati in Shahabad has been related to the Kshatriya family or Was from the colonial army. This fact does not prove to be from the above roster, but it also proves from the bloody affair, in which 16 people were known, then four widows were made to be sati. Then the incident of sati in Patna's Bhumihar Chaudhary family can not be ignored, whose relation was with the Indian army for a long time. They adopted traditional Sati system to keep their social status and reputation alive.
Some scholars point to the fact that among the upper class women and elite of Bengal, there was the hand of patriarchism against Satidah and the girl child cruelty. Due to aristocracy many women were married - many women were married. The person was unable to keep all his wives with him. The women used to live their lives in their own father's house. But there was a flood of widows in her husband's death. Consequently, Sati method has been used as a weapon to control the number of widows. This fact is also evident from the fact that in Calcutta division where Dhaka was more influential than in Dhaka, incidents of Satidah took place on a wider scale.
In modern research, attempts have also been made to connect the events of Satidah with high mortality. According to the researchers there is no doubt that in the untimely Bengal it is the primary way of population control. Due to the high mortality and restriction on widow remarriage in the society, the number of widows in the society will be greatly increased. In the moment of this unavailability, when the widows were considered to be useless and ending resources in society, In such a situation, Sati Prattha has been used as a wrong way of population control. This method was adopted in Bengal when there was a famine on a widespread scale and the yield was constantly decreasing. Commenting on this, the then foreign traveler Cortectair says that "Sati Pratyama should have been more in the poor people, where there was no other way to prevent hunger and disease, not in the high classical sense of humor." Yet, it can be said that mortality There was a close relationship between the satiric cones. 1817 - 18 AD, due to the outbreak of cholera in Bengal, there was considerable increase in mortality, in that year there were many incidents of Satidah in Bengal. According to the information of Magistrate of Banaras Division - 1823, 1824 and 1825 years was a year of weakness, disease and mortality,
Thus, Sati was a religious suicide in a way that was based on discretion. From 1822 to 1829, it is clear from the statistics that most of the widows who adopted Sati Pratishtha belonged to hunger, poverty and disease. After the death of her husband, these women, who have been financially distressed, will adopt the suicide as a religious method in the form of a thoughtful scheme under Sati Pragya. This is the reason that more than seventy incidents of Satidah were executed by women between the ages of 40 and 49, in front of whom the question of life and death was present; Young widows were less attracted to this practice. Even in the absence of support in old age, the suicide committed in the cover of Sati system was transformed into a Cold Sati.
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