Social Status of Women in the 19th Century: In the context of Sati
For the purpose of banning the practice of Sati, the collected coins of Satidah from 1829 A.D., records of local police stations between 1815 and 1829, statements of eyewitnesses, stories written in stories and biographies and details of foreign travelers were based on .19
In 1803-4, William Carey surveyed the circumference of 30 kilometers of Calcutta found that in the last 12 months 438 widows had satiadah in these areas. In the official report received from Saran, one in 1812, two in 1813, and five sati incidents occurred in 1814, which is far from the information of 15 incidents received in 1815 which can not be trusted. Behind such incidents of so little self-sacrifice, it is possible that administrative officials have been neglecting these incidents. In the Wardman district, 114 incidents are reported from 1811 to 1813, while during this time 25 reports per year from the village of Gorakhpur and 13 widows were registered.
In the years of 1815-18, the number of satidah in the Bengal province has increased respectively. During this period, the incidents of 378 in 1815, 444 in 1816, 707 in 1817 and 839 in 1818 were found in different police stations. In 1827, the number of widows living in the same region had increased to 800 in the same year, whereas in the first 10 years of 1828, the average women had no less than 600. According to the report of incidents of Satidah from various provinces of India between 1824-29, in 1824, 572, 625 in 1825, 578 in 1826, In 1827, there were 467 sitidah incidents in 517 and 1828. If the government reports are to be noted, it can be said that in the early years of the 19th century, almost one woman was born sati every day in Bengal. The incidents of sati which have been shown by British officials have also been included in those incidents that have been committed by the widows after the death of their husbands. Anand Yong has underscored that in the early 19th century, the numbers collected in Bengal were more in number than those women who had committed suicide after years of her husband's death.
PJ Marshall has revealed in his book 'The New Cambridge History of India' that most of Satidah's incidents happened with the women of the Shudra caste. Recent research shows that in the early 19th century, the victims of Sati traditions did not belong to any particular caste or its economic background. According to a document obtained from Chobis Pargana of West Bengal in 1819, a total of 52 women were burnt alive in this division, 38 percent of Brahmins were 19 percent Kayastha and 4 percent Vaidya caste. In 1823, there were 517 incidences of Satidah in Bengal, 41 percent (234) Brahmins, 6 percent (35) Kshatriya, 2 percent (16) Vaishyas (292) 51 percent belonged to Shudra caste. This fact proves that Sati Pratyah was equally popular in upper and lower castes. It was only 6 percent in the Kshatriya tribe who called the fighter, while the lower castes, This is the highest percentage of 51% in the Shudras. Except Saran, there was almost the proportion in Shahjahan, Ghazipur and Gorakhpur divisions of Bhojpur district whereas in Saran, the upper caste women had the highest sati. Between 1815 - 1826, only two Harijans are found to be the sati of the widows. Unlike all these accusations that were collected from the Benaras division were absolutely patrolled. For instance, the events of 12th Sati that took place in 1821 AD were related to upper castes, Brahmins and Kshatriyas, in which 11 women of Brahmin and 1 Kshatriya caste were women. The ratio of Ghazipur and Gorakhpur division was almost the same, whereas in Saran, the upper caste women had the highest sati. Between 1815 - 1826, only two Harijans are found to be the sati of the widows. Unlike all these accusations that were collected from the Benaras division were absolutely patrolled. For instance, the events of 12th Sati that took place in 1821 AD were related to upper castes, Brahmins and Kshatriyas, in which 11 women of Brahmin and 1 Kshatriya caste were women. The ratio of Ghazipur and Gorakhpur division was almost the same, whereas in Saran, the upper caste women had the highest sati. Between 1815 - 1826, only two Harijans are found to be the sati of the widows. Unlike all these accusations that were collected from the Benaras division were absolutely patrolled. For instance, the events of 12th Sati that took place in 1821 AD were related to upper castes, Brahmins and Kshatriyas, in which 11 women of Brahmin and 1 Kshatriya caste were women.
If, according to the age, two-thirds of the women, who had committed suicide after their husband's death, were between the ages of 40 and 49 years. Only 11.6 percent of the women were found to be 25 years of age. It has been commented in the official report that more incidents of self-destruction have not happened at the time of youth, and this has happened when the flame of life started. There have been reports from almost all the districts that not only did women adopt Sati method in old age, but after a long period of husband's death, there was a consciousness of being sati in them. According to the report received from Ghazipur, Zhenia (60 years) Karanjha (70 years), Bhujagan (80 years) and Hulasi (70 years). There is evidence of being a sati of a 90 year old lady from Bhojpur.
In the early years of the 19th century, a number of events of Satidah led to the history of historians, sociologists and critics to find out the reasons; The incidents that took place in different parts of the country, including the Presidency of Bengal, led to the massacre of Satidah. Some reviewers rejected the ideology that the widow chose to become a sati from the point of view of protecting her holiness and contradictory religion. It was a popular belief in the 19th century that for her sati's husband's seat and palace is like paradise. Mind, If she is devoted to her husband by word and action, she will be honored with her husband in heaven. Hell is the place where living apart from the husband can be free. The priests and their companions described the idea of heaven as colorful and enjoyable with all kinds, that the widows became impatient for this supernatural joy and heaven. The second major religious power was that Indians were more concerned with their religion and scriptures. Inspired by uneducated Indians, Brahmavakya scriptures, they have pressurized widows to become Sati. The long series of fasting, self-indulgence, hatred and oppression and misuse, which he used to get from his family; In exchange for the widow, death was more than thousand times more welcome than this sad life. Undoubtedly this sentiment has inspired many widows in the past to sacrifice themselves in their deceased husband's mire. Anand Yong also believes that this would have happened because his life would have been helpless, it would not be right to say that he committed suicide because 'Sat' had entered into him.
While highlighting the reasons behind the excessive practice of Sati system in Bengal, PV Kane and AK Alttekar Sir have given prominence to the prevailing Uttaranchal system in Bengal. Widows in other parts of the country did not receive any rights in the property, they were only entitled to maintenance. According to the department, after the husband's posthumous wife, the wife had the right to contact. In the absence of Kshatriyas and Rajputs in Bengal - Brahmins were affected more than the new zamindar class, The elitism affected it more. To get the prestige, Brahmins of lower rank braved the upper caste Brahmins, and as a result, polygamy was practiced with a lot of enthusiasm. In the patriarchal family, the greed of wealth was so dominant that efforts were made to widen the widows' conspiracy by reducing the widow's claimants through poor social pressures .23 Ashish Nandy, presenting the vision of the divisions in the second view, says that At a time when Bengal was wandering from famine and pandemics, it is possible that such a group maintain its caste dominance Through an inheritance system area is looked at as the Sati most important reason.
It has been revealed from modern historical research that a change in the form of contact with the permanent land settlement and other supportive land-related legislation passed in 1792, in the form of the need to build British pro-landed land in colonial India on the lines of England. He Came. It may be that the collective rights of widows have been a great shock and they have been attracted to this practice in desperation and frustration. Because the widows themselves did not have the right to get the husband's ancestral property in the UK as heritage. Until the rights of married women in the middle of the 19th century, the struggle took place and succeeded only after 20 years.
In the patriarchal society, ownership was owned by men on land. Therefore, attention has been taken on male genealogy to ensure right. For this reason, the woman's virtue was considered more important than the sanctity of men. Once the woman's marriage was done, she was expected that she could live a lifetime, even after the husband's death, Must be loyal to your husband. This kind of feeling towards women's purity and integrity developed into independent power in society. Many stories of purity of women who die of burning with husbands and consequently the salvation of women have been spread through the Puranas and verbally. As a result, women got themselves started to believe in such virtues that they would get burned with the dead body of their husbands. In this way, the faith also arose due to the deep sense of devotion to the widow's suicide rituals. 24
Although Ashish Nandy strongly believes that there is little evidence of the events of Satidah in the last decade of the 18th century, there was considerable increase in the early decade of the 19th century. Sati Pratha was an ancient tradition that was related mainly to the Kshatriya community. It was the practice of burning in a pyre with wives killed in the battle. But in the initial phase of the 19th century, none of the relations of Sati were formed, except for one of them was not related to the colonial army. According to them, the traditional Sati was related to the so-called fighter castes. The British Indian Army in Bengal was a mixed army in which there was a complete lack of these castes. This fact balances the fact that there was no dominance of Kshatriya caste in Bengal and if this region was not even a part of the mainstream of Hindutva, then what power was it that led to the end of the 18th century and the 19th century Early in Bengal a terrible epidemic like Sati spreads in Bengal. Actually this was not a pure product of tradition, there was no other configuration of political, cultural and psychological forces.
But according to the information received after 1823, it can not be said that one of the events of Satidah was also related to the soldier's family. The soldiers of the Bengal army were not only from the province of Bengal, but most of the soldiers in this army had relations with the Awadh and Bhojpuri areas. If the numbers obtained from these areas can be seen, then the idea of Nandie can not be agreed. Studies obtained from the numerical figures indicate that the number of incidents of sati of those widows was very good, which belonged to the soldier's family or the army. In the information received from the district of Shahabad, the number of widows related to the army has been told is not disappointing. The names of soldier widows who receive in the roster, who adopted Sati method after the death of their husband,
Ashish Nandi can be corrected in the fact that there must have been any other basis for the development of Sati Practices in the Bengal Presidency, especially Calcutta, even then it can not be denied that any incident of Sati in Shahabad has been related to the Kshatriya family or Was from the colonial army. This fact does not prove to be from the above roster, but it also proves from the bloody affair, in which 16 people were known, then four widows were made to be sati. Then the incident of sati in Patna's Bhumihar Chaudhary family can not be ignored, whose relation was with the Indian army for a long time. They adopted traditional Sati system to keep their social status and reputation alive.
Some scholars point to the fact that among the upper class women and elite of Bengal, there was the hand of patriarchism behind Satidah and girl child cruelty. Due to aristocracy many women were married - many women were married. The person was unable to keep all his wives with him. The women used to live their lives in their own father's house. But there was a flood of widows in her husband's death. Consequently, Sati method has been used as a weapon to control the number of widows. This fact is also evident from the fact that in the Calcutta division of Dhaka, where elitism was more effective, the incidents of Satidah were done extensively. 27
In modern research, attempts have also been made to connect the events of Satidah with high mortality. According to the researchers, there is no doubt that in the untimely Bengal it is the primary way of population control. Due to the high mortality and restriction on widow remarriage in the society, the number of widows in the society will be greatly increased. In the moment of this unavailability, when the widows were considered inadequate and ending the resources in society, In such a situation, Sati Prattha has been used as a wrong way of population control. This method was adopted in Bengal when there was a famine on a widespread scale and the yield was constantly decreasing. Commenting on this, the then foreign traveler Cortectair says that "Sati Pratyama should have been more in the poor people, where there was no other way to prevent hunger and disease, not in the high classical sense of humor." Yet, it can be said that mortality There was a close relationship between the satiric cones. 1817 - 18 AD, due to the outbreak of cholera in Bengal, there was considerable increase in mortality, in that year there were many incidents of Satidah in Bengal. According to the information of Magistrate of Banaras Division - 1823, 1824 and 1825 years was a year of weakness, disease and mortality,
Thus, Sati was a religious suicide in a way that was based on discretion. From 1822 to 1829, it is clear from the statistics that most of the widows who adopted Sati Pratishtha belonged to hunger, poverty and disease. After the death of her husband, these women, who have been financially distressed, will adopt the suicide as a religious method in the form of a thoughtful scheme under Sati Pragya. This is the reason that more incidents of Satidah were executed by women between the ages of 40 and 49, in front of whom the question of life and death was present; Young widows were less attracted to this practice. Even in the absence of support in old age, the suicide was also covered in the cover of Sati, and it was transformed into a sati, a perfect form.
In the 19th century, there was a prominent arm of viva voiced behind the weak social status of women. Widowhood was seen as a punishment for the terrible crimes done by a woman or the crimes committed in the past. According to the nature of the crime, penalties could be reduced or more. Putting disobedience and dishonesty towards her husband or killing her in the past was counted as a major offense, whose punishment is found in the era. In the census report of 1881, the number of widows in the total population of 22.88 crores has been shown to be 2.09 crores, which was 9% of the total population. The highest number of widows was 25.1 percent in Mysore, 21.2 percent in Bengal and 20.6 percent in Madras. 19.8 percent of the women belonged to Hindu religion whereas the number of widows in the Muslims was 20 percent. Total Hindu Widows 20 11 percent of the widows were between the ages of 0 and 14 years. That is why Cecil Plauden saw the practice of child marriage in the number of widows as the main cause of growth. According to the Boardelon report, the fifth part of Bengal's female population was of the widows. One of five married women was one whose husband had two wives. He also believed that the Bharadwaj of Bengal not only allowed his daughters to marry early, but the age gap between husband and wife was also very broad, so the wife used to be a widow at a young age, with the number of widows being quite Had increased. In Bengal, remarriage was practiced in men, whereas in women it was unknown in a way; Due to the ban on Sati, the number of widows was increased. According to Sir William O McNathon, after the death of her husband in Hindu law, she was not in the customary practice of remarriage except for the small castes.
Vaishavai was the biggest curse for Hindu women. The widows were considered miserable. Answer: Except Eastern India, in India, the woman was persecuted by misery difficulties after her husband's death. The widow was commonly known as 'Rand'. The word was used evenly for a characterless girl or prostitute. The family of the widow's husband and neighbors always called her with bad names and used abusive language. Hardly any day passed such that when they do not listen to the good and bad by these people, Whose only crime was that it was the traditional reason of the death of his beloved. Mother-in-law was more tortured by her bitter speech in this sad hour. Despite all these young widows were always seen with suspicion. A prisoner was always kept on the watch. The fear of the family was always intimidating that he did not take any explanation on the family by doing any unjust act. If the widow was the mother of the sons, she was often not considered to be a lover of hatred, although she was definitely seen as a father. The girl's widowed mother was treated differently. The community, especially with hatred and misbehavior, was a child widow or widowed widow. These were seen as the biggest culprits, who had been ordered from above, that is, from God. Although he was definitely seen as a papin. The girl's widowed mother was treated differently. The community, especially with hatred and misbehavior, was a child widow or widowed widow. These were seen as the biggest culprits, who had been ordered from above, that is, from God. Although he was definitely seen as a papin. The girl's widowed mother was treated differently. The community, especially with hatred and misbehavior, was a child widow or widowed widow. These were seen as the biggest culprits, who had been ordered from above, that is, from God.
In the 19th century, the laws and legislations of ancient Manusmriti were also applied to widows. They had to spend life on flowers, fruits, tubers. He could not take the name of the man even by mistake. They had to follow the rules of Brahmacharya, with the prohibition of consuming honey, meat and alcohol. In Bengal, Nandishrad could not have women. Child widows were wrongly raised. From childhood, a distraction was made against despondent desire and passion for jewelery. As soon as the husband died, the women were deprived of gold ornaments, shiny dresses, and all those sweet things that they wanted to keep.
In the southern parts of the country, heads of all widows were punctured regularly every fortnight. Some lower castes also have the practice of shaving the heads of widows
In 1803-4, William Carey surveyed the circumference of 30 kilometers of Calcutta found that in the last 12 months 438 widows had satiadah in these areas. In the official report received from Saran, one in 1812, two in 1813, and five sati incidents occurred in 1814, which is far from the information of 15 incidents received in 1815 which can not be trusted. Behind such incidents of so little self-sacrifice, it is possible that administrative officials have been neglecting these incidents. In the Wardman district, 114 incidents are reported from 1811 to 1813, while during this time 25 reports per year from the village of Gorakhpur and 13 widows were registered.
In the years of 1815-18, the number of satidah in the Bengal province has increased respectively. During this period, the incidents of 378 in 1815, 444 in 1816, 707 in 1817 and 839 in 1818 were found in different police stations. In 1827, the number of widows living in the same region had increased to 800 in the same year, whereas in the first 10 years of 1828, the average women had no less than 600. According to the report of incidents of Satidah from various provinces of India between 1824-29, in 1824, 572, 625 in 1825, 578 in 1826, In 1827, there were 467 sitidah incidents in 517 and 1828. If the government reports are to be noted, it can be said that in the early years of the 19th century, almost one woman was born sati every day in Bengal. The incidents of sati which have been shown by British officials have also been included in those incidents that have been committed by the widows after the death of their husbands. Anand Yong has underscored that in the early 19th century, the numbers collected in Bengal were more in number than those women who had committed suicide after years of her husband's death.
PJ Marshall has revealed in his book 'The New Cambridge History of India' that most of Satidah's incidents happened with the women of the Shudra caste. Recent research shows that in the early 19th century, the victims of Sati traditions did not belong to any particular caste or its economic background. According to a document obtained from Chobis Pargana of West Bengal in 1819, a total of 52 women were burnt alive in this division, 38 percent of Brahmins were 19 percent Kayastha and 4 percent Vaidya caste. In 1823, there were 517 incidences of Satidah in Bengal, 41 percent (234) Brahmins, 6 percent (35) Kshatriya, 2 percent (16) Vaishyas (292) 51 percent belonged to Shudra caste. This fact proves that Sati Pratyah was equally popular in upper and lower castes. It was only 6 percent in the Kshatriya tribe who called the fighter, while the lower castes, This is the highest percentage of 51% in the Shudras. Except Saran, there was almost the proportion in Shahjahan, Ghazipur and Gorakhpur divisions of Bhojpur district whereas in Saran, the upper caste women had the highest sati. Between 1815 - 1826, only two Harijans are found to be the sati of the widows. Unlike all these accusations that were collected from the Benaras division were absolutely patrolled. For instance, the events of 12th Sati that took place in 1821 AD were related to upper castes, Brahmins and Kshatriyas, in which 11 women of Brahmin and 1 Kshatriya caste were women. The ratio of Ghazipur and Gorakhpur division was almost the same, whereas in Saran, the upper caste women had the highest sati. Between 1815 - 1826, only two Harijans are found to be the sati of the widows. Unlike all these accusations that were collected from the Benaras division were absolutely patrolled. For instance, the events of 12th Sati that took place in 1821 AD were related to upper castes, Brahmins and Kshatriyas, in which 11 women of Brahmin and 1 Kshatriya caste were women. The ratio of Ghazipur and Gorakhpur division was almost the same, whereas in Saran, the upper caste women had the highest sati. Between 1815 - 1826, only two Harijans are found to be the sati of the widows. Unlike all these accusations that were collected from the Benaras division were absolutely patrolled. For instance, the events of 12th Sati that took place in 1821 AD were related to upper castes, Brahmins and Kshatriyas, in which 11 women of Brahmin and 1 Kshatriya caste were women.
If, according to the age, two-thirds of the women, who had committed suicide after their husband's death, were between the ages of 40 and 49 years. Only 11.6 percent of the women were found to be 25 years of age. It has been commented in the official report that more incidents of self-destruction have not happened at the time of youth, and this has happened when the flame of life started. There have been reports from almost all the districts that not only did women adopt Sati method in old age, but after a long period of husband's death, there was a consciousness of being sati in them. According to the report received from Ghazipur, Zhenia (60 years) Karanjha (70 years), Bhujagan (80 years) and Hulasi (70 years). There is evidence of being a sati of a 90 year old lady from Bhojpur.
In the early years of the 19th century, a number of events of Satidah led to the history of historians, sociologists and critics to find out the reasons; The incidents that took place in different parts of the country, including the Presidency of Bengal, led to the massacre of Satidah. Some reviewers rejected the ideology that the widow chose to become a sati from the point of view of protecting her holiness and contradictory religion. It was a popular belief in the 19th century that for her sati's husband's seat and palace is like paradise. Mind, If she is devoted to her husband by word and action, she will be honored with her husband in heaven. Hell is the place where living apart from the husband can be free. The priests and their companions described the idea of heaven as colorful and enjoyable with all kinds, that the widows became impatient for this supernatural joy and heaven. The second major religious power was that Indians were more concerned with their religion and scriptures. Inspired by uneducated Indians, Brahmavakya scriptures, they have pressurized widows to become Sati. The long series of fasting, self-indulgence, hatred and oppression and misuse, which he used to get from his family; In exchange for the widow, death was more than thousand times more welcome than this sad life. Undoubtedly this sentiment has inspired many widows in the past to sacrifice themselves in their deceased husband's mire. Anand Yong also believes that this would have happened because his life would have been helpless, it would not be right to say that he committed suicide because 'Sat' had entered into him.
While highlighting the reasons behind the excessive practice of Sati system in Bengal, PV Kane and AK Alttekar Sir have given prominence to the prevailing Uttaranchal system in Bengal. Widows in other parts of the country did not receive any rights in the property, they were only entitled to maintenance. According to the department, after the husband's posthumous wife, the wife had the right to contact. In the absence of Kshatriyas and Rajputs in Bengal - Brahmins were affected more than the new zamindar class, The elitism affected it more. To get the prestige, Brahmins of lower rank braved the upper caste Brahmins, and as a result, polygamy was practiced with a lot of enthusiasm. In the patriarchal family, the greed of wealth was so dominant that efforts were made to widen the widows' conspiracy by reducing the widow's claimants through poor social pressures .23 Ashish Nandy, presenting the vision of the divisions in the second view, says that At a time when Bengal was wandering from famine and pandemics, it is possible that such a group maintain its caste dominance Through an inheritance system area is looked at as the Sati most important reason.
It has been revealed from modern historical research that a change in the form of contact with the permanent land settlement and other supportive land-related legislation passed in 1792, in the form of the need to build British pro-landed land in colonial India on the lines of England. He Came. It may be that the collective rights of widows have been a great shock and they have been attracted to this practice in desperation and frustration. Because the widows themselves did not have the right to get the husband's ancestral property in the UK as heritage. Until the rights of married women in the middle of the 19th century, the struggle took place and succeeded only after 20 years.
In the patriarchal society, ownership was owned by men on land. Therefore, attention has been taken on male genealogy to ensure right. For this reason, the woman's virtue was considered more important than the sanctity of men. Once the woman's marriage was done, she was expected that she could live a lifetime, even after the husband's death, Must be loyal to your husband. This kind of feeling towards women's purity and integrity developed into independent power in society. Many stories of purity of women who die of burning with husbands and consequently the salvation of women have been spread through the Puranas and verbally. As a result, women got themselves started to believe in such virtues that they would get burned with the dead body of their husbands. In this way, the faith also arose due to the deep sense of devotion to the widow's suicide rituals. 24
Although Ashish Nandy strongly believes that there is little evidence of the events of Satidah in the last decade of the 18th century, there was considerable increase in the early decade of the 19th century. Sati Pratha was an ancient tradition that was related mainly to the Kshatriya community. It was the practice of burning in a pyre with wives killed in the battle. But in the initial phase of the 19th century, none of the relations of Sati were formed, except for one of them was not related to the colonial army. According to them, the traditional Sati was related to the so-called fighter castes. The British Indian Army in Bengal was a mixed army in which there was a complete lack of these castes. This fact balances the fact that there was no dominance of Kshatriya caste in Bengal and if this region was not even a part of the mainstream of Hindutva, then what power was it that led to the end of the 18th century and the 19th century Early in Bengal a terrible epidemic like Sati spreads in Bengal. Actually this was not a pure product of tradition, there was no other configuration of political, cultural and psychological forces.
But according to the information received after 1823, it can not be said that one of the events of Satidah was also related to the soldier's family. The soldiers of the Bengal army were not only from the province of Bengal, but most of the soldiers in this army had relations with the Awadh and Bhojpuri areas. If the numbers obtained from these areas can be seen, then the idea of Nandie can not be agreed. Studies obtained from the numerical figures indicate that the number of incidents of sati of those widows was very good, which belonged to the soldier's family or the army. In the information received from the district of Shahabad, the number of widows related to the army has been told is not disappointing. The names of soldier widows who receive in the roster, who adopted Sati method after the death of their husband,
Ashish Nandi can be corrected in the fact that there must have been any other basis for the development of Sati Practices in the Bengal Presidency, especially Calcutta, even then it can not be denied that any incident of Sati in Shahabad has been related to the Kshatriya family or Was from the colonial army. This fact does not prove to be from the above roster, but it also proves from the bloody affair, in which 16 people were known, then four widows were made to be sati. Then the incident of sati in Patna's Bhumihar Chaudhary family can not be ignored, whose relation was with the Indian army for a long time. They adopted traditional Sati system to keep their social status and reputation alive.
Some scholars point to the fact that among the upper class women and elite of Bengal, there was the hand of patriarchism behind Satidah and girl child cruelty. Due to aristocracy many women were married - many women were married. The person was unable to keep all his wives with him. The women used to live their lives in their own father's house. But there was a flood of widows in her husband's death. Consequently, Sati method has been used as a weapon to control the number of widows. This fact is also evident from the fact that in the Calcutta division of Dhaka, where elitism was more effective, the incidents of Satidah were done extensively. 27
In modern research, attempts have also been made to connect the events of Satidah with high mortality. According to the researchers, there is no doubt that in the untimely Bengal it is the primary way of population control. Due to the high mortality and restriction on widow remarriage in the society, the number of widows in the society will be greatly increased. In the moment of this unavailability, when the widows were considered inadequate and ending the resources in society, In such a situation, Sati Prattha has been used as a wrong way of population control. This method was adopted in Bengal when there was a famine on a widespread scale and the yield was constantly decreasing. Commenting on this, the then foreign traveler Cortectair says that "Sati Pratyama should have been more in the poor people, where there was no other way to prevent hunger and disease, not in the high classical sense of humor." Yet, it can be said that mortality There was a close relationship between the satiric cones. 1817 - 18 AD, due to the outbreak of cholera in Bengal, there was considerable increase in mortality, in that year there were many incidents of Satidah in Bengal. According to the information of Magistrate of Banaras Division - 1823, 1824 and 1825 years was a year of weakness, disease and mortality,
Thus, Sati was a religious suicide in a way that was based on discretion. From 1822 to 1829, it is clear from the statistics that most of the widows who adopted Sati Pratishtha belonged to hunger, poverty and disease. After the death of her husband, these women, who have been financially distressed, will adopt the suicide as a religious method in the form of a thoughtful scheme under Sati Pragya. This is the reason that more incidents of Satidah were executed by women between the ages of 40 and 49, in front of whom the question of life and death was present; Young widows were less attracted to this practice. Even in the absence of support in old age, the suicide was also covered in the cover of Sati, and it was transformed into a sati, a perfect form.
In the 19th century, there was a prominent arm of viva voiced behind the weak social status of women. Widowhood was seen as a punishment for the terrible crimes done by a woman or the crimes committed in the past. According to the nature of the crime, penalties could be reduced or more. Putting disobedience and dishonesty towards her husband or killing her in the past was counted as a major offense, whose punishment is found in the era. In the census report of 1881, the number of widows in the total population of 22.88 crores has been shown to be 2.09 crores, which was 9% of the total population. The highest number of widows was 25.1 percent in Mysore, 21.2 percent in Bengal and 20.6 percent in Madras. 19.8 percent of the women belonged to Hindu religion whereas the number of widows in the Muslims was 20 percent. Total Hindu Widows 20 11 percent of the widows were between the ages of 0 and 14 years. That is why Cecil Plauden saw the practice of child marriage in the number of widows as the main cause of growth. According to the Boardelon report, the fifth part of Bengal's female population was of the widows. One of five married women was one whose husband had two wives. He also believed that the Bharadwaj of Bengal not only allowed his daughters to marry early, but the age gap between husband and wife was also very broad, so the wife used to be a widow at a young age, with the number of widows being quite Had increased. In Bengal, remarriage was practiced in men, whereas in women it was unknown in a way; Due to the ban on Sati, the number of widows was increased. According to Sir William O McNathon, after the death of her husband in Hindu law, she was not in the customary practice of remarriage except for the small castes.
Vaishavai was the biggest curse for Hindu women. The widows were considered miserable. Answer: Except Eastern India, in India, the woman was persecuted by misery difficulties after her husband's death. The widow was commonly known as 'Rand'. The word was used evenly for a characterless girl or prostitute. The family of the widow's husband and neighbors always called her with bad names and used abusive language. Hardly any day passed such that when they do not listen to the good and bad by these people, Whose only crime was that it was the traditional reason of the death of his beloved. Mother-in-law was more tortured by her bitter speech in this sad hour. Despite all these young widows were always seen with suspicion. A prisoner was always kept on the watch. The fear of the family was always intimidating that he did not take any explanation on the family by doing any unjust act. If the widow was the mother of the sons, she was often not considered to be a lover of hatred, although she was definitely seen as a father. The girl's widowed mother was treated differently. The community, especially with hatred and misbehavior, was a child widow or widowed widow. These were seen as the biggest culprits, who had been ordered from above, that is, from God. Although he was definitely seen as a papin. The girl's widowed mother was treated differently. The community, especially with hatred and misbehavior, was a child widow or widowed widow. These were seen as the biggest culprits, who had been ordered from above, that is, from God. Although he was definitely seen as a papin. The girl's widowed mother was treated differently. The community, especially with hatred and misbehavior, was a child widow or widowed widow. These were seen as the biggest culprits, who had been ordered from above, that is, from God.
In the 19th century, the laws and legislations of ancient Manusmriti were also applied to widows. They had to spend life on flowers, fruits, tubers. He could not take the name of the man even by mistake. They had to follow the rules of Brahmacharya, with the prohibition of consuming honey, meat and alcohol. In Bengal, Nandishrad could not have women. Child widows were wrongly raised. From childhood, a distraction was made against despondent desire and passion for jewelery. As soon as the husband died, the women were deprived of gold ornaments, shiny dresses, and all those sweet things that they wanted to keep.
In the southern parts of the country, heads of all widows were punctured regularly every fortnight. Some lower castes also have the practice of shaving the heads of widows
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